FOR A POLICY OF OPPOSITION
Posted on Thursday, March 3rd @ 21:10:00 CST David
(between sunset BERLUSCONI OF ITALY AND DISSOLUTION) OF MARIM Badillo AND MAXIMUM BONTEMPELLI
Megachip .
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The coup Berlusconi has already begun. Berlusconi has only been in recent months in the same position it was in Mussolini in 1924, following the murder Matteotti, with the scandal and the beginning of the erosion of his power that followed: in the situation, that is, having to choose between the political and personal destruction and the killing of the rules of democracy for the establishment of a despotic power. Berlusconi as Mussolini in '24, chose the second way.
The similarities end there of course. The outcome of a coup d'etat of Berlusconi would be very different from that of Mussolini.
To understand this point, it should take what we wrote in "A sunset dangerous" nature of the social block which supports Berlusconi.
It is an archipelago of fiefdoms of economic, political and criminal, to quote a word which has become current, cracks. From such a social bloc can not be born of a totalitarian state, but only one of the arbitrary lawlessness, and in turn influenced by the needed balance of power between the cracks (the total will, in fact, is not freedom, but, as demonstrated by the Hegelian logic, coincides with the total needs). In this situation occur two lines of force, one in favor and one against Berlusconi. In favor of Berlusconi
play elements that are known to everyone: his media power at a time when mental and behavioral models are increasingly home television, and his ability to communicate in relation to an ever wider public vulgarized. Besides this, we can see that his business empire is itself one of the cracks, even the main crack. This is a really big business that generates itself and not just profits for Berlusconi, but also for a large part of the diverse world of business that supports it. Each of the feuds of this group know their fate, if Berlusconi were to fall, you fall with him, and this all leads to a certain compact support that.
Against Berlusconi is the fact that this same archipelago, which has in him the only glue is put in trouble today primarily from the impossibility of continued growth in patronage spending-business-mafia what would be needed to power all economic fiefdoms that he rely, more and more greedy, and secondly by the absence in it of any kind of unity or solidarity of ideological or cultural. The fact that the possible expense is now below what is necessary for the maintenance of the cracks, and the fact that there is a minimum solidarity, makes the compactness of support for Berlusconi less strong than it might seem. Faced with the crisis of his power, whether it is more convenient to calculate each support it or recycle it with others. But since there is room for everyone, recycling will only work for a few, for those who manage to change his jacket at the right time, neither too early, as did the Finian who are returning to the parent, nor too late, when there is no room for them.
To counter the trend, which affects them adversely, the landslide of its base of support, Berlusconi has no other choice than a coup. We must not think of tanks guarding the parliament and television. The coup is the use of Berlusconi's parliamentary majority to overturn any constitutional rule.
This coup, as has been said, is already underway. His first act was when Berlusconi last fall, we are no longer limited to protect themselves from the processes that cover prevented by all the tricks possible, subject to punishment but said the judges who dare to investigate. From here refused all audit rules that the Constitution provides. He called for a vote in Parliament to establish that the prosecutor in Milan is not competent to judge the type of crime he committed. In this way the House has given a decision on the legal nature of a crime committed, that the Constitution precludes the legislature may lie. Such a vote of Parliament and then targeted the elimination of the constitutional division of powers, and thereby to the creation of arbitrary power.
The next steps in which Berlusconi aims to complete the coup are: elections that enable a wide majority, then the use of this majority to get elected President of the Republic, then the appointment by the President of the Republic of Constitutional Court judges obedient to him. In this way, Berlusconi could pass any law, even the most unconstitutional, without even need a formal change of the Constitution (in partial analogy with Nazi Germany, which as we know never did not abolish the Weimar Constitution).
In this situation there are three possible scenarios: the continuation of the Berlusconi government through the success of his coup, elections resulted in a stalemate, which is decided by the success or the defeat of the coup, and finally, the fall of Berlusconi by the mistrust of the parliamentary majority, resulting in the formation of a transitional government.
The first scenario is the least likely in our opinion, because we believe that the political and parliamentary bloc that supports the Berlusconi government, is less solid than it appears when we write these lines (beginning March 2011). The economic crisis makes it necessary choices increasingly drastic reduction of public spending, to the detriment of the system of cracks, which exacerbate their competition, with the effects of disintegration of the unity of their political expressions.
The second scenario is in our opinion unlikely, because the elections would create a long period of instability that the ruling classes do not want. The same members also shun the idea of \u200b\u200bhaving to again contend for their comfortable seats.
leaves the third scenario, which we believe is the most likely, for the very reasons that make it less likely the other two.
The fundamental question that these scenarios pose is very simple: the forces that intend to fight the system that brought Italy to ruin, must, in order to avoid the abyss of the country has increased, yet, first commit itself to make the failure of the coup plan Berlusconi's alliance with anyone who can fight, and referring to Berlusconi after every other question, or must develop its own political and social opposition against the whole of the ruling classes? If you answer that the fall is a priority of Berlusconi, the consequence is that the political alliance with all forces not Berlusconi, the center-left, the center-center Casini and Rutelli, the Finian; to the social defer for the moment to the social conflict with that part of the dominant classes that opposes Berlusconi.
We consider this approach fundamentally wrong, not for the sake of extremism, because, indeed, positive feel any compromise that reduced the soil from which sprouted the Berlusconi, but because we believe that the current forces of parliamentary opposition to Berlusconi, and their economic and social contacts, which do not extend this medium.
not reflected enough on the fact that in the last twenty years all the times that the left has governed or influenced the country's government, subsequent elections were won by Berlusconi.
There are so desperate that signals start coming from the best forces of the country facing the prospect of early elections: Paolo Flores D'Arcais who converts to the necessity of a grand coalition antiberlusconiana, Marco Travaglio praising Nichi Vendola for proposed Rosy Bindi as a candidate alternative to Berlusconi, Barbara Spinelli that is some good news in the shape of Romano Prodi.
We would like to think about these things rationally, soberly. Berlusconi has emerged as ruler of the Italian political scene from the mud of a country's social and cultural life without hope, without culture, without more memory, a coarsening of his ideas and his behavior. The fundamental question is whether a government other than that of Berlusconi begins to drain this slime, or, instead, keep alive the degenerative processes that widen. In the latter case, even people without the rudeness and cialtroneria Berlusconi, would only pave the way to success, with another player, the same shot State failed to Berlusconi.
Reasoning, to understand, what are the unresolved issues that generate social and cultural life of the silt that has been said.
There is the terrible problem of labor without value. Working without value means that his remuneration was reduced to the benefit of profits, income, and age restricted and preference of the work itself (think of the outrageous compensation of managers, TV stars and movie, players successful professionals prominent). It means that he has been deprived of rights to the point that it delivers to tolerate daily deaths and injuries, in the absence of serious forms of control and punishment of those responsible for these massacres. It means that employment is no longer an objective of economic policy of the States, even it means that workers are unprotected against actual fraud by employers. If the job is no longer valid and working skills no longer generate social consideration, is not that money as a regulator of social relations and roles here is a slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
There is the problem of widespread corruption that has destroyed any ethic group. It failed in this way, the sense of community belonging that defines acceptably in terms of objective rights and duties here is another slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
work worthless, corruption, reduction of government staff in all areas, even the most useful, and the new globalized economy and speculative, they closed all the Italian youth perspective. Or rather, they divided into two sectors: a minority of children and recommended to my father, who is easily placed and income even in the absence of any competence and merit, and a majority for which any cultural and professional training not is a stable insertion in society work.
These young people move from one precarious contract to another, never see enhanced their talents, they are deluded with stage used to get them temporary work is not paid, unpaid internships are aimed at that in eight out of ten cases not result in a regular job. A youth left in this vacuum is another degrading slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
Then there is the terrible problem of the environment without protection: it is now the flood of waste and threaten the life, these are the agents of production that pollute air, water and soil, it is the use of land that has produced the hydrogeological. This transmits environmental ruin, even physically, the image of a devalued and degraded public space and private space as an area to be defended by any means in order to develop their own existence. Here is another slime from which sprouted the Berlusconi.
There are equally dramatic problems of poverty that now affects millions of people, conducted in an insane immigration, control of large areas by organized crime, justice placed in a condition not work.
analyzing these problems, we could easily demonstrate how the forces of the parliamentary opposition to Berlusconi are not say structurally unsuitable to solve them, but even to begin to address them.
Before commend the candidacy of Rosy Bindi rationally you should ask the following question: a center-left government led by Rosy Bindi, and perhaps extended to all so-called radical left, would still face any of these problems? A return value and dignity seriously at work? To return a future for young people? To protect the environment and ribonificarlo? And so on.
We are ready to demonstrate analytically that this is not possible. Moreover, in the past no center-left government has dealt with these problems, and this should also put some flea in his ear to those who call for a parliamentary coalition antiberlusconiana.
All the negative trends of the last twenty years (increasingly protracted process, widening income disparities, the progression of environmental degradation, and so on) have maintained the same evolutionary line regardless of the color of the governments of the country. The same disconcerting ineffectiveness of the opposition made by Berlusconi's center-left is a sign that opponents are rooted in the same soil in which the sinking Berlusconi.
The coalition of forces that will overthrow Berlusconi is entirely internal to the very reality which has enabled the success of Berlusconi. Therefore, there is no hope that it will be a contrast to the processes of dissolution of the country. The problems facing Italy will not even be addressed, the feuds criminals will not be thwarted, and this will lead to power after a short time some other character, perhaps very different from Berlusconi personally, but he works the same way in the function of protector and glue the interests of the cracks. Among these interests is essentially the coup that Berlusconi is in these trying days. Coup, we repeat, that does not consist in the tanks on the streets or by military invasion of the Parliament, but the suspension for the use of the powerful, all control of any rule of law and institutions, namely in the establishment of ' arbitrariness of the powerful as a fundamental principle of the "material constitution" of the country. As the cracks of this world needs, if not opposed and defeated play some other character that will cover this need.
The main limitation that prevents me from catching the core the issue is the inability to see how certain choices that have immediate advantages, however, are fraught with danger in the medium and long term.
So when the leaders of German Social Democracy in 1914 support the choice of war do so in response to very specific factors: on the one hand their opposition to the war would have led to a crackdown in which they knew the party was not ready, by 'the other one might have thought that supporting the war could lead to a substantial legitimacy of the socialist movement. It was considerations of short breath, swept away by the unexpected war proved a vastly more destructive of human lives and wealth, to what could be imagined.
Similarly, the choice of the leadership of the PCI in the mid-twenties to side wholeheartedly with the Soviet Union and its Stalinist direction obviously had good reasons in the immediate: the PCI was a small party and persecuted in country, support the USSR could be seen as the only way to survive. But if this approach has paid in the short term, medium and long proved to bankruptcy because it has prevented the PCI to be able to seriously compete for the country's government during the Cold War, and dragged the PCI to dissolution by the end USSR.
Similarly, the choice to support a possible "Grand coalition" would antiberlusconiana course, for weak anti-systemic forces, the immediate advantages: first, the expulsion of Mr Berlusconi, who would certainly be a good thing, secondly, perhaps, a momentary chance to antiberlusconiani access to the media, which a phase of acute confrontation, would be brought to each entry, it was possible to enhance recruiting. But these immediate benefits would be quickly outnumbered by the negative effects of such a choice. Align themselves with the "grand coalition" forces antiberlusconiana antisystemic actually lose any opportunity to live their diversity, and to generate this diversity in the future, some effect political relevance.
The only hope of preventing the deterioration of social and civil life of our country's intransigence opposition to the whole political class (right, center and left), who is responsible for the degradation of the whole of Italy, the whole is corrupt, the whole violates the constitution (by the support from the common to the Italian participation in the war in Afghanistan).
Such opposition must have the key points of reference to the Constitution of the Italian Republic, the rights and incomes of workers and lower classes, an economic model that leaves the bond of growth (a growth that is only now radically destructive of nature and society) the rejection of wars of aggression.
The proposed policy to do all the outside forces of caste politics and who recognize in these principles, we believe that to create a united front that is able to conduct joint actions and participate in competitions to bring the opposition into electoral institutions .
Badiale Marino, Massimo Bontempelli
Source: www.megachip.info
Link: http://www.megachip.info/tematiche/beni-comuni/5744-per-una-politica-di-opposizione-tramonto.html
03/04/2011
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