"show that Berlusconi wants to rule the Italian crisis has forced the need for a separate state law. As if the country is going through a no man's land. The soldier as a policeman, as the court clerk, as the journalist laudator: are the three figures in a political scene that threatens to turn the meaning of our constitutional form. They are the ghosts of suspended time where the government has more power and fewer rights than citizens, less security, fewer guarantees. "So wrote yesterday in this newspaper Giuseppe D'Avanzo. Unfortunately, this photographer just his view of reality. It is not fascism but it is certainly an alarming "incipit" towards a dictatorship that makes its way into all sensitive areas of democratic life, the weakness of the counter-accomplices, the liability of public opinion and the sleepy fragility of the opposition. This comes increasingly clear democratic , which was profiled in the early days of the new legislature and is now fully deployed before our eyes, the only bank so far has found the head of state. Giorgio Napolitano is impersonating the most of its role as guardian of the Constitution. He did so with wisdom and firmness, giving her consent to the initiatives of the government when they have been dictated by real needs as the garbage crisis in Naples, but has denied in cases where emergencies were bogus and could undermine the fairness of constitutional mechanisms. It would be wrong, however, leaning against the President of the Republic the exclusive weight to stem the drift: to be reduced only if the dialectic relationship between the Quirinale Palazzo Chigi and the game would have more history and would be closed quickly. We must, therefore, that other forces and other powers to enter in the field. We must denounce and stop the militarization of Italian public life of which the most striking example occurred with the action taken by the Council of Ministers on Friday, security and interception, two artificially inflated emergency supposed to distract attention from the real emergencies that afflict a large part of Italian families. It 's the first time that the Army is involved with functions of public security. When Falcone was murdered and then a short time, Borsellino, military contingents were sent to Sicily to guard public buildings alleviating those tasks from the police and the police so they could devote themselves entirely to the fight against mafia unleashed. But now the role that you want to give the armed forces is completely different with the task of patrolling the city public security, and then with the powers of repression, arrest, focus contrasts with the crime. What sense is a measure of this kind? What benefit it may give rise to actions against the mob? The Police has well over one hundred thousand effective, as many more counts the Carabinieri and the Guardia di Finanza many more. Alongside these forces imposing a quota of 2,500 soldiers is devoid of any utility. If the government has led to a sensational move as useless as this was just for the hype that would have raised. So serious is the uncertainty of our cities to also require the involvement of the Army: This is the message launched by the government. And with it without the exceptional rule is adopted by an ordinary law a measure that would require the declaration of a kind of martial law, of national peril. A similar measure was taken by the Badoglio government in the three days of July 25 of '43 and again in '47 after the attack on Togliatti. Since then, it was no longer done anything like this: Public safety on the streets, the Armed Forces barracks, this is the normal democratic intent is to change with much more extensive and unnecessary for a simple support to public safety. * * * The draft law on wiretapping by the reasonable part of plans to protect more effectively the privacy of individuals without decreasing the investigative capacity of the prosecution. Similar intentions were inspired by the Minister of Justice Flick and after him the Minister Clemente Mastella, but without those measures failed to become laws for the early termination of the respective legislatures. Now presumably you succeed, but even in this case, as for security, is another political sense than the "reasonable plan" we mentioned before. The political sense, here is another militarization, prosecutors and journalists. The prosecution. First a list of offenses punishable with interceptions. Only those and not others. E 'has been written that the scandal of Calciopoli would never come to light without interception. Likewise, the bank takeover of the "crafty." But many others. To close the worst of all: Santa Rita Clinic in Milan, rightly dubbed the clinic of horrors. The intercepts and can not last more than three months. It does not say if renewable and therefore we can deduce that they will not be renewable. Cosa Nostra, to cite one example, has been tapped for years and perhaps still is. Three months pass by in a fiat, we all know. Journalists and newspapers. There is absolute prohibition on the publication of news from beginning of the hearing. The filing of documents at the Court does not diminish the ban. Why? If the parties or some of them want to publicize the documents in their possession are prevented. Why? Not invoke the presumption of innocence as if it were the reasons for the ban should wait until the final ruling of the Supreme Court. So why is another of the secret, but which one? In fact, the prohibition is not only against newspapers and journalists, but against the formation of public opinion, which is against a basic element of democracy. The case of the Santa Rita has sparked a debate on the organization of health, the role of clinics compared to the NHS. Very important debate that may take place only at the beginning of the hearing and that the trial of the accused. Any storage investigation would remain unknown, and so would lack all scrutiny review on the ground storage and a possible critique of it. Likewise, about possible differences of opinion between prosecutors and the Office of the Chief Prosecutor, call back on the Attorney General on changes in substitutes assigns IP. On all these basic steps the public opinion could not say anything because it would be kept in the dark. You will remember that the maxi-trial "Cosa Nostra" was confirmed to the Supreme Court because it was changed the assignment policy processes initiated by the Minister of Justice at the time, Claudio Martelli, alerted by the pressure of the newspapers in alarm for the repeated pronouncements of the then President of the Chamber, Carnival. All these events took place under the constant control of the press and the public alerted investigators from the stage. Falcone and Borsellino were not judges but judges prosecutors. I wonder if they could operate with the efficiency with which they operated without the support of a fully informed public opinion. The severe penalty under this Act against publishers constitute a burden for which you should carefully evaluate the effects on press freedom. In fact, it the publisher gives enormous power over the director of the newspaper: in view of severe penalties will ask the publisher's right to be informed in advance of decisions that the Director will order the processes. In fact it is an actual confiscation of the powers of the Director the responsibility for moving ahead to the owner of the newspaper. So the court is becoming militarized, the journalist and also public opinion. * * * You are right Mr D'Avanzo in saying that these measures distort the Constitution. In fact identify the State with the Government and the Government with the "premier". If we add to them the infamous Schifani award, namely the freezing of all processes against the high offices of state, the identification becomes total. Here our discussion comes at a particularly delicate issue and that is the subject of the parliamentary opposition. I speak of all political opposition. But I speak particularly of the Democratic Party. In recent days the Democratic Party and Veltroni as the leader of that party have taken up some issues about attitudes of vigorous criticism of the government. The honeymoon for Mr Berlusconi is still in full swing with the public and with most of the newspapers but it's already gone largely with the Democratic Party. Unless a fundamental point, repeatedly stressed by Veltroni: it should continue the dialogue on institutional and constitutional reforms. It 'obvious that this "reservation dialogue" inevitably affects the overall tone of the opposition. The institutional and constitutional reforms are of such importance to be processed into minimalia "contrasts on individual measures of merit. Especially since Tremonti asks the opposition to proceed "arm" with regard to the economic strategy, then here is another "subject to dialogue." It would seem, this, new to the benefit of the opposition but it is not. The Italian economic policy must take place in the coming years under the watchful eye of the European Authorities. Like it or not, we are in fact commissions from Brussels. Tremonti will have to take responsibility for unpopular. Necessary but unpopular with the opposition and wants to share quell'impopolarità. Meanwhile, the substance of the reforms, Berlusconi will proceed as has been said and seen, the militarization of the system. "L'Etat c'est moi" said the Sun King and his successors continued to say until the outbreak of the revolution dell'Ottantanove. I want to mention here that one way, indeed the most relevant, with which the identification of the state with the person of the King was accomplished was the enslavement of parliament to the will of the Crown. The decrees of the King to enter into force needed the registration of the Parliaments and especially that of Paris. This was then the only separation of powers conceived and conceivable. But the king had an instrument at its disposal: the parliaments could order the registration of the edict. In the face of the written order of the Sovereign Parliament recorded the "conditional" and the edict came into operation. Usually, this order was given, but rarely with Sun King and his successors became routine. Rebelled when Parliaments determined not to obey the King dissolved them. The body of the King prevailed on the Grand Century tenuous democracy. The Sun King But here there is no sun. There is mud, greed, recklessness, moral cowardice. Courtship of the opposition. Mounting fears and instincts. Picconato newspaper of the Constitution. What dialogue can be done when the country is militarized in the most sensitive democracy? The Democratic Party has only one tool to prevent this drift: to decide that there is no possibility of dialogue on reforms to the absence of the object. If the state is dismantled each day and identified the body of the King, to talk about what the Democratic Party? And 'here and now that the dialogue should be done, militarization is locked. Urgencies and emergencies should be transferred on the problems of society and economy. "In this new climate is good and can do very very well," declaims the Confindustria Emma Marcegaglia. What is the good climate, nice Emma? That of the Grenadier patrols that stop the thieves and can fire at the gypsy on duty? That promoted to publisher responsible? What the judge actually isolated from all social and private "free trial"? That of individual employment contracts? And 'this good weather? I remember when they were published on-line lists of taxpayers grew a uproar. The Director of Revenue, the author of many misdeeds, was indicted and resigned. But now the Minister Brunetta public contracts for all public managers and the salaries of all the consultants and is strongly applauded and encouraged. I also applaud and encourage you as I applauded and then Visco Romano. But instead of two because of weights and measures? The answer is simple: for the civil servants can be. And 'this good weather? Conscious awakening can be very hard. It may be the awakening of a country without democracy. Dominated dall'antipolitica. By anti-Europe. Anarchy and dictatorship of the indifferent sharpers. I find it a very bad climate.
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