Sunday, June 29, 2008
How Do I License My Homemade Trailer In Ontario
As we have reduced the poor Italians - E. Scalfari
ROME - In 1972 two journalists from the Washington Post began an investigation into the behavior President of the United States of America, Nixon, and the entourage of his closest associates, accused of spying on their opponents of the Party Democrat. The investigation went on for two years with a series of articles documented more and more bitter against the President, supported by documents and testimony often covered by anonymity. The White House tried in every way to intimidate the publisher (even the publisher) of that paper without success. Two years later, in 1974, Nixon resigned from office to avoid an imminent and inevitable indictment was put in by Congress. In 1998, that twenty-four years after the conclusion of the "Watergate" scandal broke Lewinsky, now dubbed "Sexygate. This time the target was Bill Clinton, Democratic President. The offense was not even a crime but anti-oral sex made repeatedly in the oval room of the White House. For months the newspapers and television stations around the U.S. and the world opened their pages to the revelations about oral sex between Monica and Bill, the players were interviewed dozens of times and so did Hillary, the wife of the President. The privacy and Clinton's sexual misbehavior were told in detail. When the mandate the younger Bush, a Republican, won the election hands down. No one in America proposed restrictions on press freedom. White House and Congress they launched no law prohibiting anything to the press as that for deep-rooted conviction of Americans, the private life of politicians and public have always been under the control "media" without restriction except in cases of defamatory and slanderous untruth. A few weeks ago was presented at the Cannes Film Festival the film "Il Divo" directed by Sorrentino who has won the Jury Prize. The protagonist is a talented Italian actor who plays Giulio Andreotti, the overall focus of the film is guilty even if not deliberately solves the riddle of the man who was politically seven times prime minister and was accused by newspapers and the courts of any kind of wickedness. Andreotti has not sued the filmmakers. I say more: Andreotti was involved in a serious process, sentenced to very severe penalties in the first-instance trials, later reduced or deleted and permanently reversed on appeal to the Supreme Court. He has never escaped the process, dealt with them and his lawyers have defended with tenacity and professionalism made. Nothing to do with the air of subversive Ghedini, lawyer, defender of Silvio Berlusconi and editor of the law "ad personam" in favor of his client. I recall here the case of Nixon, Clinton and Andreotti because they mark a huge difference than if Berlusconi. Differences regarding both the protagonists of the four cases, the conformity of most of the Italian press over the American, the bewildered public opinion with respect to our responsiveness to the overseas and finally the inability Members of the center-to distinguish their role as members of the legislature by the insane desire of a prime minister who wants to liberate from any institutional control, judicial, political, media. * * * We must protect the dignity of individuals. Sacrosanct principle. To protect it is the penal code offenses and provided for slander and defamation. Aggravated by the press. If you consider the penalties too light is just aggravating. If the processes are slow to do so to make them faster. The rest against the press usually goes for "direct route". To protect the dignity of individuals (and even of public figures) it is necessary that there is dignity. Nixon who uses his powers for the President to spy on political opponents has no dignity. Clinton is rolling on the carpet of the Oval Office with Monica has no dignity. Berlusconi fiddles with a director of Rai tissue to place him well known, that same ruling favors private initiatives for its future, negotiate collusion between RAI and Mediaset executives of public service and even a member of the Control of Communications and ultimately use some of these powers to convince members of the Senate to abandon the majority and pass on his side, has no dignity. But it still less when cut out the silhouette of his defendant in a law-blocking processes, which clog the entire judicial system. At the same time sends out a face shield law that the four highest offices of state. All with the connivance of the Presidents of the chambers, which allow amendments to be inserted unacceptable and inadmissible in texts of the decree approved by the President of the Republic. Giorgio Napolitano is well aware of its role as "impartial" even if the reckless actions of the "premier" make it increasingly narrow its area of \u200b\u200bmediation. But you can be sure that it will use the powers of its jurisdiction if, when the draft law on the immunity of the upper echelons of the state will be presented in Parliament and scheduling, the majority will not withdraw the amendment process stops placed surreptitiously in- Decree-Law safety. You can be sure that the head of state will return to the Chambers a bill that contained unfortunate that amendment, inserted without his knowledge and not blocked as it was his bounden duty by the President of the Senate. Not as unconstitutional, but for lack of need for urgency. Must address the constitutionality of the Court when it will be called into question, both for the security bill for the immunity of high office and for the duration of that immune privilege. A colleague does not lack talent but who is suffering (so it seems) of a worrying prolapse of morality ethics, recently wrote of the need to give Berlusconi a sort of safe conduct judiciary, the only way, in his view, will solve the Italian anomaly. Of course who should take charge of this delicate operation that should be the opposition would prevail and thus the basis for legitimacy in the face of public opinion. Encourage wickedness (or Mattana) policies of a defendant risen to the top of the power to purchase credit from a public opinion largely chloroformed, is it true that cynicism is fashionable in politics, but also should not rule the roost in the "media" . Instead dominates how! This is a culmination of the record-breaking pass. * * * I confess: I have a weakness for Marcegaglia. It is clear, definite and says yes, yes, no no. A hair wave. A female masculinity. His recipe is less taxes, less spending, wages coupled with productivity. The program also Berlusconi and Tremonti, but with some differences of no small importance. First option: to lower taxes if they do not speak until 2013. They had promised to bring the tax burden from 43 to 40 percent, but now that the votes they have had them tell us that in 2013 the tax burden will be the 42.90. She is glad the Marcegaglia? I'd like to know about these things but she does not speak on this point even if they did a blizzard at the time of Padoa-Schioppa and Visco. At least they took their money and Confindustria evaders have five points less than IRES and IRAP. Tremonti IRES has already returned to the original level, five and a half points more. She is happy lady? I say, yes, yes, no, no, nobody died. Does anyone really gives us a shred of the skin to contract precarious or black. You should not assume that those expelled by Confindustria in black? Expenses. Cutting waste is good. Continuity with Padoa-Schioppa. The research division of Confindustria has honestly pointed out: continuity. But Tremonti not only cuts the intermediate expenses, cut everything. Tremonti is good. But you, dear Emma, \u200b\u200bnotes with great disappointment that the growth will be zero in 2008 and 2009, if all goes well, will rise to 0.6. Come on luxury. With inflation at 3.6 and for energy and food to 5.5. Zero growth. Investment below zero. Cutting expenditure deflator. But two billion thrown to the ICI. Three hundred million thrown for Alitalia, which are about to become a million and a half if Banca Intesa will give the green light. Add to this, we add up these figures and the alms of the 500 million one-off poor pensioners. Four billion are already thrown out the window. But no wage increases unless productivity increases. But its industrial kind Marcegaglia, their productivity is not to have done wonders. Unless the cost of the work to compress. New products? No way. Search? Idem. Meanwhile, the stock market collapses. It is not his fault, Mrs. Emma, \u200b\u200bnor Tremonti, or Dragons. But collapses. Trichet will raise rates while the Fed will lower them. Who is right? Perhaps Dragons would comment and perhaps Tremonti and maybe Confindustria. Berlusconi is exempted. He takes care of processes Ghedini, soldiers in the street with La Russa and cataloging of "Roma" with Maroni. He is right that the genius of Altan latest issue of espresso: a small woman with red lips and eyes thoughtfully says, "but I'm afraid I do not know what." Italians have them so low. 
ROME - In 1972 two journalists from the Washington Post began an investigation into the behavior President of the United States of America, Nixon, and the entourage of his closest associates, accused of spying on their opponents of the Party Democrat. The investigation went on for two years with a series of articles documented more and more bitter against the President, supported by documents and testimony often covered by anonymity. The White House tried in every way to intimidate the publisher (even the publisher) of that paper without success. Two years later, in 1974, Nixon resigned from office to avoid an imminent and inevitable indictment was put in by Congress. In 1998, that twenty-four years after the conclusion of the "Watergate" scandal broke Lewinsky, now dubbed "Sexygate. This time the target was Bill Clinton, Democratic President. The offense was not even a crime but anti-oral sex made repeatedly in the oval room of the White House. For months the newspapers and television stations around the U.S. and the world opened their pages to the revelations about oral sex between Monica and Bill, the players were interviewed dozens of times and so did Hillary, the wife of the President. The privacy and Clinton's sexual misbehavior were told in detail. When the mandate the younger Bush, a Republican, won the election hands down. No one in America proposed restrictions on press freedom. White House and Congress they launched no law prohibiting anything to the press as that for deep-rooted conviction of Americans, the private life of politicians and public have always been under the control "media" without restriction except in cases of defamatory and slanderous untruth. A few weeks ago was presented at the Cannes Film Festival the film "Il Divo" directed by Sorrentino who has won the Jury Prize. The protagonist is a talented Italian actor who plays Giulio Andreotti, the overall focus of the film is guilty even if not deliberately solves the riddle of the man who was politically seven times prime minister and was accused by newspapers and the courts of any kind of wickedness. Andreotti has not sued the filmmakers. I say more: Andreotti was involved in a serious process, sentenced to very severe penalties in the first-instance trials, later reduced or deleted and permanently reversed on appeal to the Supreme Court. He has never escaped the process, dealt with them and his lawyers have defended with tenacity and professionalism made. Nothing to do with the air of subversive Ghedini, lawyer, defender of Silvio Berlusconi and editor of the law "ad personam" in favor of his client. I recall here the case of Nixon, Clinton and Andreotti because they mark a huge difference than if Berlusconi. Differences regarding both the protagonists of the four cases, the conformity of most of the Italian press over the American, the bewildered public opinion with respect to our responsiveness to the overseas and finally the inability Members of the center-to distinguish their role as members of the legislature by the insane desire of a prime minister who wants to liberate from any institutional control, judicial, political, media. * * * We must protect the dignity of individuals. Sacrosanct principle. To protect it is the penal code offenses and provided for slander and defamation. Aggravated by the press. If you consider the penalties too light is just aggravating. If the processes are slow to do so to make them faster. The rest against the press usually goes for "direct route". To protect the dignity of individuals (and even of public figures) it is necessary that there is dignity. Nixon who uses his powers for the President to spy on political opponents has no dignity. Clinton is rolling on the carpet of the Oval Office with Monica has no dignity. Berlusconi fiddles with a director of Rai tissue to place him well known, that same ruling favors private initiatives for its future, negotiate collusion between RAI and Mediaset executives of public service and even a member of the Control of Communications and ultimately use some of these powers to convince members of the Senate to abandon the majority and pass on his side, has no dignity. But it still less when cut out the silhouette of his defendant in a law-blocking processes, which clog the entire judicial system. At the same time sends out a face shield law that the four highest offices of state. All with the connivance of the Presidents of the chambers, which allow amendments to be inserted unacceptable and inadmissible in texts of the decree approved by the President of the Republic. Giorgio Napolitano is well aware of its role as "impartial" even if the reckless actions of the "premier" make it increasingly narrow its area of \u200b\u200bmediation. But you can be sure that it will use the powers of its jurisdiction if, when the draft law on the immunity of the upper echelons of the state will be presented in Parliament and scheduling, the majority will not withdraw the amendment process stops placed surreptitiously in- Decree-Law safety. You can be sure that the head of state will return to the Chambers a bill that contained unfortunate that amendment, inserted without his knowledge and not blocked as it was his bounden duty by the President of the Senate. Not as unconstitutional, but for lack of need for urgency. Must address the constitutionality of the Court when it will be called into question, both for the security bill for the immunity of high office and for the duration of that immune privilege. A colleague does not lack talent but who is suffering (so it seems) of a worrying prolapse of morality ethics, recently wrote of the need to give Berlusconi a sort of safe conduct judiciary, the only way, in his view, will solve the Italian anomaly. Of course who should take charge of this delicate operation that should be the opposition would prevail and thus the basis for legitimacy in the face of public opinion. Encourage wickedness (or Mattana) policies of a defendant risen to the top of the power to purchase credit from a public opinion largely chloroformed, is it true that cynicism is fashionable in politics, but also should not rule the roost in the "media" . Instead dominates how! This is a culmination of the record-breaking pass. * * * I confess: I have a weakness for Marcegaglia. It is clear, definite and says yes, yes, no no. A hair wave. A female masculinity. His recipe is less taxes, less spending, wages coupled with productivity. The program also Berlusconi and Tremonti, but with some differences of no small importance. First option: to lower taxes if they do not speak until 2013. They had promised to bring the tax burden from 43 to 40 percent, but now that the votes they have had them tell us that in 2013 the tax burden will be the 42.90. She is glad the Marcegaglia? I'd like to know about these things but she does not speak on this point even if they did a blizzard at the time of Padoa-Schioppa and Visco. At least they took their money and Confindustria evaders have five points less than IRES and IRAP. Tremonti IRES has already returned to the original level, five and a half points more. She is happy lady? I say, yes, yes, no, no, nobody died. Does anyone really gives us a shred of the skin to contract precarious or black. You should not assume that those expelled by Confindustria in black? Expenses. Cutting waste is good. Continuity with Padoa-Schioppa. The research division of Confindustria has honestly pointed out: continuity. But Tremonti not only cuts the intermediate expenses, cut everything. Tremonti is good. But you, dear Emma, \u200b\u200bnotes with great disappointment that the growth will be zero in 2008 and 2009, if all goes well, will rise to 0.6. Come on luxury. With inflation at 3.6 and for energy and food to 5.5. Zero growth. Investment below zero. Cutting expenditure deflator. But two billion thrown to the ICI. Three hundred million thrown for Alitalia, which are about to become a million and a half if Banca Intesa will give the green light. Add to this, we add up these figures and the alms of the 500 million one-off poor pensioners. Four billion are already thrown out the window. But no wage increases unless productivity increases. But its industrial kind Marcegaglia, their productivity is not to have done wonders. Unless the cost of the work to compress. New products? No way. Search? Idem. Meanwhile, the stock market collapses. It is not his fault, Mrs. Emma, \u200b\u200bnor Tremonti, or Dragons. But collapses. Trichet will raise rates while the Fed will lower them. Who is right? Perhaps Dragons would comment and perhaps Tremonti and maybe Confindustria. Berlusconi is exempted. He takes care of processes Ghedini, soldiers in the street with La Russa and cataloging of "Roma" with Maroni. He is right that the genius of Altan latest issue of espresso: a small woman with red lips and eyes thoughtfully says, "but I'm afraid I do not know what." Italians have them so low.
Wednesday, June 25, 2008
Increased Cervical Mucus Right Before Period
Beware of centralism:
If the PD does not include the value of its clubs, and do not listen to the base, returning to the old centralized approach, we risk self-destruction
Memoirs of a member Vittorio Emiliani
I've been writing for about twenty years, from '58 to '78, at a party, the Socialist, the first in Lombardia and then to Rome, and I spent the season of the sections, provincial federations and currents. That at the beginning and for many years, had for me a highly formative role. The sections were discussed openly, fiercely, even to somebody too, sometimes until late at night. In Rome, in the 70's as a journalist, I slipped into the assemblies section of Pci.Una time to Tiburtino, risked having to vote after a debate, even generations, even among those who still supported the burning "superiority" of the USSR and who spoke of America Europe and without blinkers. I went to old and new townships and inescapable point of reference was the Party branches, especially the Communist Party. Then, gradually, the currents have degenerated into centers of power and the lights are on the lanes are more and less often, to stay off. In Psi, the failure of reform assumed by intellectuals Mondoperaio, Craxi had taken "all on his shoulders," the party (as he said in 1990) making it a party-person. In the direction we discussed very little, and if somebody tries, was looked upon as a dangerous troublemaker. In PCI, the case was even more troubled and complex, after the Bolognina. And yet how much and how we discussed before arriving "on to the line. " Otherwise, how he would have won in Rome in 1976?
Now I'm writing a few months ago, a Democratic Party club at Tor di Nona, a neighborhood once among the most popular of Rome, today's educated middle class. Before the double elections (general and Roman) was very lively, very earnestly. Then the double whack. Especially that of the Capitol, unexpected and violent. Someone has launched a stinging defeat on the basis of discussion? From above was immediately warned "not laceriamoci. I confess I do not understand. Torn between not discuss and there is even something in between. The only discussion we have read attributed the failure in Rome (which is the only true failure, 33 percent of the policies is not) to an unnamed "black humor" of the Romans. A little 'little, honestly. Psychologism trivial, it would have branded any old Central Committee of the Communist Party or the Socialist Party. The management team would have done better to propose to members of clubs (which are few) analysis, thoughts, views, calling them to compete with them. Instead, "not laceriamoci. Thus, discussion almost to zero, in fact, thunderous silence. I make policy on the benches of the high school, over half a century, I had never seen such an escape from reality.
As a member of the Democratic Party circles, so far have been called to confirm, in fact, chosen rained down from above, have not found a convenient form for reference for the key issues of a political program that was alternative to the PDL and that really go "inside" to the problems suffered in the country and its capital. Neither have been asked for a humble opinion, advisory charity, on the identification of candidate policies that attract consensus. Indeed, the choice of nominees was made in more centralized way. At the loft of St. Anastasia for the most distant regions. Except then talk after the election failure, for a few days, the "party of the North" in pursuit of an entirely economic success rooted localistic, of the League.
For a few days, I repeat, while decentralization should be a fact, an everyday life, ordinary, normal. The decision on who to put on the list should have this breath, you should invest in local realities, basic (the positive impact we have touched with a hand full Veneto Vicenza won the League and forzista), and provide the decisive elements for national strategies. With the elections took place, we can say that the lists packed with all centralized mediation instead were recently renovated, very attractive, with young people at times chosen on the basis that left at least puzzling.
Yesterday I read in this newspaper an interesting review of Giovanna Melandri: never again have to go to nominate mayor of Rome without a primary. I agree. It is important that the policy of the Democratic Party are "ordinary" moments for processing at the regional and local levels. In Rome it was said (later) that the choice of which candidate Francesco Rutelli, Mayor (chosen by him accepted far more than called for, I think) after the first two successful years sindacature, was not happy that the electorate 'he lived like a horse's back, and so on. Ratings, state the results, based.
But, again, I ask: it was impossible to organize a rapid consultation (I underline twice, "consultation") the members of the Democratic Party in Rome - all or nearly all, we now available by phone, text message, e-mail or, most importantly, by fax - in order to have an indication on the candidate-mayor who was the most convinced, most shared above, so as to mobilize the largest number of energies, such to avoid that so many people on the ballot, remained at sea or in the countryside, no commitment or even give one vote "disjoint" (crazy but true in thousands of cases) Zingaretti-Alemanno? I still believe it was possible. How can I use this tool for the election of regional bodies of the PD. I also think that doing so would rimobilitato and motivate the "people of the primaries," which, believe me, not enough of skirmishes and showdowns (as yes) to the summit, wants to be able to count in the choice of fund, which has always known that pulls Grillo (but where is he?) are gruel populist qualunquistica, even quite stale and suspicious. But then again, not to be called only for a few more or less rite unanimistico, who has watched the success of Vicenza and Udine as the proof of the goodness of choices strongly shared. Request to make their own if you want a modern and mature democracy.
One thing that does not take the form it says at the popular level, not field and not crack. If you still do not survive, the Democratic Party failed pancake house in the next election. It is serious, serious. In general, young people do not know where to enroll, as a "door" I turn to act upon a political commitment. Based clubs, you have to give them a voice, calling them decide on something relevant. They start the "Girotondo", the Democratic Party does not participate: end for "condemn"? From time arise spontaneously committees - on urban problems, for example - even in regions administered by always from the left and now by the center (only in Tuscany more than a hundred committees and they meet in Florence on 28). During the election campaign had been "demonized" by the leaders of the Democratic Party as a subversive phenomenon, just as signs of "No, unable to counter. Bales. These phenomena of grassroots democracy that have proposed remedial solutions to be made, but can not find a bank in the parties. The bank instead we find ourselves - the stated newly Fulco Pratesi, the founder of the WWF, which is certainly not an extremist subversive - in the left-wing parties for the battles that were called Parco del Ticino, Po Delta and Cilento, recovery centers historians, from Bologna to Taranto, Cervia Airport a few steps from Saint Apollinaris in Classe (airport useless and frustrated, that reminds me so much that now threatens to Ampugnano near Siena) and so on.
conclude: circles like my Tor di Nona will live, and with it a piece of PD, if not addressed only cobblestone or tables, if they can discuss politics, and especially deciding, help to decide. To ratify choices parachuted from above one can not have more. For some time. 
If the PD does not include the value of its clubs, and do not listen to the base, returning to the old centralized approach, we risk self-destruction
Memoirs of a member Vittorio Emiliani
I've been writing for about twenty years, from '58 to '78, at a party, the Socialist, the first in Lombardia and then to Rome, and I spent the season of the sections, provincial federations and currents. That at the beginning and for many years, had for me a highly formative role. The sections were discussed openly, fiercely, even to somebody too, sometimes until late at night. In Rome, in the 70's as a journalist, I slipped into the assemblies section of Pci.Una time to Tiburtino, risked having to vote after a debate, even generations, even among those who still supported the burning "superiority" of the USSR and who spoke of America Europe and without blinkers. I went to old and new townships and inescapable point of reference was the Party branches, especially the Communist Party. Then, gradually, the currents have degenerated into centers of power and the lights are on the lanes are more and less often, to stay off. In Psi, the failure of reform assumed by intellectuals Mondoperaio, Craxi had taken "all on his shoulders," the party (as he said in 1990) making it a party-person. In the direction we discussed very little, and if somebody tries, was looked upon as a dangerous troublemaker. In PCI, the case was even more troubled and complex, after the Bolognina. And yet how much and how we discussed before arriving "on to the line. " Otherwise, how he would have won in Rome in 1976?
Now I'm writing a few months ago, a Democratic Party club at Tor di Nona, a neighborhood once among the most popular of Rome, today's educated middle class. Before the double elections (general and Roman) was very lively, very earnestly. Then the double whack. Especially that of the Capitol, unexpected and violent. Someone has launched a stinging defeat on the basis of discussion? From above was immediately warned "not laceriamoci. I confess I do not understand. Torn between not discuss and there is even something in between. The only discussion we have read attributed the failure in Rome (which is the only true failure, 33 percent of the policies is not) to an unnamed "black humor" of the Romans. A little 'little, honestly. Psychologism trivial, it would have branded any old Central Committee of the Communist Party or the Socialist Party. The management team would have done better to propose to members of clubs (which are few) analysis, thoughts, views, calling them to compete with them. Instead, "not laceriamoci. Thus, discussion almost to zero, in fact, thunderous silence. I make policy on the benches of the high school, over half a century, I had never seen such an escape from reality.
As a member of the Democratic Party circles, so far have been called to confirm, in fact, chosen rained down from above, have not found a convenient form for reference for the key issues of a political program that was alternative to the PDL and that really go "inside" to the problems suffered in the country and its capital. Neither have been asked for a humble opinion, advisory charity, on the identification of candidate policies that attract consensus. Indeed, the choice of nominees was made in more centralized way. At the loft of St. Anastasia for the most distant regions. Except then talk after the election failure, for a few days, the "party of the North" in pursuit of an entirely economic success rooted localistic, of the League.
For a few days, I repeat, while decentralization should be a fact, an everyday life, ordinary, normal. The decision on who to put on the list should have this breath, you should invest in local realities, basic (the positive impact we have touched with a hand full Veneto Vicenza won the League and forzista), and provide the decisive elements for national strategies. With the elections took place, we can say that the lists packed with all centralized mediation instead were recently renovated, very attractive, with young people at times chosen on the basis that left at least puzzling.
Yesterday I read in this newspaper an interesting review of Giovanna Melandri: never again have to go to nominate mayor of Rome without a primary. I agree. It is important that the policy of the Democratic Party are "ordinary" moments for processing at the regional and local levels. In Rome it was said (later) that the choice of which candidate Francesco Rutelli, Mayor (chosen by him accepted far more than called for, I think) after the first two successful years sindacature, was not happy that the electorate 'he lived like a horse's back, and so on. Ratings, state the results, based.
But, again, I ask: it was impossible to organize a rapid consultation (I underline twice, "consultation") the members of the Democratic Party in Rome - all or nearly all, we now available by phone, text message, e-mail or, most importantly, by fax - in order to have an indication on the candidate-mayor who was the most convinced, most shared above, so as to mobilize the largest number of energies, such to avoid that so many people on the ballot, remained at sea or in the countryside, no commitment or even give one vote "disjoint" (crazy but true in thousands of cases) Zingaretti-Alemanno? I still believe it was possible. How can I use this tool for the election of regional bodies of the PD. I also think that doing so would rimobilitato and motivate the "people of the primaries," which, believe me, not enough of skirmishes and showdowns (as yes) to the summit, wants to be able to count in the choice of fund, which has always known that pulls Grillo (but where is he?) are gruel populist qualunquistica, even quite stale and suspicious. But then again, not to be called only for a few more or less rite unanimistico, who has watched the success of Vicenza and Udine as the proof of the goodness of choices strongly shared. Request to make their own if you want a modern and mature democracy.
One thing that does not take the form it says at the popular level, not field and not crack. If you still do not survive, the Democratic Party failed pancake house in the next election. It is serious, serious. In general, young people do not know where to enroll, as a "door" I turn to act upon a political commitment. Based clubs, you have to give them a voice, calling them decide on something relevant. They start the "Girotondo", the Democratic Party does not participate: end for "condemn"? From time arise spontaneously committees - on urban problems, for example - even in regions administered by always from the left and now by the center (only in Tuscany more than a hundred committees and they meet in Florence on 28). During the election campaign had been "demonized" by the leaders of the Democratic Party as a subversive phenomenon, just as signs of "No, unable to counter. Bales. These phenomena of grassroots democracy that have proposed remedial solutions to be made, but can not find a bank in the parties. The bank instead we find ourselves - the stated newly Fulco Pratesi, the founder of the WWF, which is certainly not an extremist subversive - in the left-wing parties for the battles that were called Parco del Ticino, Po Delta and Cilento, recovery centers historians, from Bologna to Taranto, Cervia Airport a few steps from Saint Apollinaris in Classe (airport useless and frustrated, that reminds me so much that now threatens to Ampugnano near Siena) and so on.
conclude: circles like my Tor di Nona will live, and with it a piece of PD, if not addressed only cobblestone or tables, if they can discuss politics, and especially deciding, help to decide. To ratify choices parachuted from above one can not have more. For some time.
Saturday, June 21, 2008
Simpsons Quality Graph
risk self-destruction and mutual divides
also criticized the Democratic Party. "From now on, more stringent"
Pannone: he relinquished control
CONTINUE Meanwhile the debate about the manner in which the Conference of Mayors in dell'Ato4 realzione the mortgage on the joint enterprise Acqualatina spa with Depfa Bank for the construction of networks and sewage treatment works. A discussion of the PD Joseph Pannone extends to the overall assessment of a majority public shareholding company that currently manages the
main services such as water, waste, transport, parking.
"I expect that administrators pontine, for once - Pannone says - scrutinize the actions and the consequences of what they have decided or have overlooked to date, and apprestino to express publicly their opinion that it is not only critical
the result of team orders: at stake are the interests and rights of citizens, we risk further
to mortgage the future of the community pontine and this is unacceptable, especially when it comes to
essential public services. " Pannone also splinter the Democratic Party: "All the opposition parties, particularly the Democratic Party must do their share to the bottom coming out of any ambiguity, with firmly the theme of the necessary revision of the management system
semi-public services. The private choice equal efficiency in the province of Latina
proved unsuccessful because in all fields, waste water, up to intermodality, and is carrying only inefficiency, increase of economic and financial rates and exhibitions
public bodies or public debt. Acqualatina, among other things, is making its mark with a questionable form of self-reference.
Think of the Conciliation sponsored by the same company against which justice is sought, or
the conference on the development of water facilities, organized for the sole purpose of supporting
mutual Depfa Bank, even before the comunisoci have had the availability of documents. In short, the manager wants to play 'at home' and the public part does not exercise the right and duty
control. " 
also criticized the Democratic Party. "From now on, more stringent"
Pannone: he relinquished control
CONTINUE Meanwhile the debate about the manner in which the Conference of Mayors in dell'Ato4 realzione the mortgage on the joint enterprise Acqualatina spa with Depfa Bank for the construction of networks and sewage treatment works. A discussion of the PD Joseph Pannone extends to the overall assessment of a majority public shareholding company that currently manages the
main services such as water, waste, transport, parking.
"I expect that administrators pontine, for once - Pannone says - scrutinize the actions and the consequences of what they have decided or have overlooked to date, and apprestino to express publicly their opinion that it is not only critical
the result of team orders: at stake are the interests and rights of citizens, we risk further
to mortgage the future of the community pontine and this is unacceptable, especially when it comes to
essential public services. " Pannone also splinter the Democratic Party: "All the opposition parties, particularly the Democratic Party must do their share to the bottom coming out of any ambiguity, with firmly the theme of the necessary revision of the management system
semi-public services. The private choice equal efficiency in the province of Latina
proved unsuccessful because in all fields, waste water, up to intermodality, and is carrying only inefficiency, increase of economic and financial rates and exhibitions
public bodies or public debt. Acqualatina, among other things, is making its mark with a questionable form of self-reference.
Think of the Conciliation sponsored by the same company against which justice is sought, or
the conference on the development of water facilities, organized for the sole purpose of supporting
mutual Depfa Bank, even before the comunisoci have had the availability of documents. In short, the manager wants to play 'at home' and the public part does not exercise the right and duty
control. "
Are Gerberpuffs Healthy
The Caiman Bite - C. Maltese
is a bit 'naive or very, surprised that Berlusconi has returned to Cayman. If there is a person true to herself, beyond any human temptation to doubt or boredom, this is the Knight. It was so long before the descent into politics, with its subversive nature, authoritarian paternalism, love the short cut demagogic and mocking contempt for each counter-democratic, beginning with the judiciary and independent journalism, the intolerance for constitutional rules, the school learned of the P2. The problem has never been how much and how it can change Berlusconi, who never changes. Rather, what has changed and as Italy, which in the last fifteen years has changed a lot. Thanks in part to the enormous media power of the premier. Every time that Berlusconi has won Palazzo Chigi tried to force the constitutional order and the first thing he violently attacked the judiciary. He did it in 1994 with the Biondi decree, the first act of government in 2001, when the emergency decrees of justice were introduced even before receiving the trust and today. With an escalation of violence in tone and, even more, in contents of the measures. The package justice now is the most subversive and Cirami Schifani of the award, in turn, more subversive "clean slate" of '94. But the growing strength of the twist imposed by Berlusconi to democratic structures, public reaction has been accompanied by a weaker and weaker. In '94 the revolt against the "save-thieves" crippled by a government now intended to last a few months. In 2001, the "Girotondo" inaugurated a season of movement, with millions of people in the streets, which were translated from the first year in a series of heavy electoral defeats for center-right majority, also overwhelmingly in Parliament. The third time, this, in the presence of an even more dramatic attempt to blow up the pillars of the judiciary independent, the reaction is very weak. The opposition, set aside the illusion of dialogue, heralds a season of struggles, but not now, in autumn. The so-called civil society seems to have disappeared from the scene. The magistrates are the only ones to revolt vehemently, but they seem isolated, at least in the polls. Almost defend their corporation and the rights and freedoms of all, just as they designed the fathers of the Constitution. Here the matter is that what happened to Berlusconi (all), but what has happened to the country. We really have become a "a little country 'Bulgarian', as we missed the demiurge few days ago? The answer, unfortunately, is yes. In this quarter of a century has not changed Berlusconi, Italy has changed a lot and worse, the civil and social fabric is fraying, and common sense was modeled on the authoritarian instincts. Many feel that talk in offices, in bars, on the beaches today, with everyone and everything, whether it's immigration or justice, civil rights such as religion, trade union or Europe, in Italy in the '94 would have been unimaginable. The Berlusconi has gone from the belly of a country where democracy has never been carried through, for a thousand reasons (reasons of right and left), but now has spread to all parts of the country and came to the brain. The genetic mutation of the Italian society is obvious to anyone who looks from outside. Even in the superficial aspects of the skin: a people we had never been "obnoxious", as it is today. More seriously, the return of Berlusconi to power and its first and devastating releases have evoked ghosts of the worst on the international scene. It is, however, to see if the "Italian case" is that even for the Italians. If public opinion still exist that have prevented these reagents Democrats in '94 and in 2001 the drift, more or less soft, to a regime. The signals are contradictory, the game is still on. Certainly, in recent decades the impact force of Berlusconi's populism has been growing, as well as taking on increasingly large parts of society. It is not just power of television or publishing, but a genuine cultural hegemony. And surprisingly, the opposition, former students of Gramsci, still, after so long, do not include the mechanisms and scope of the strategy in place. Other than the "long wave" of craxiana memory. They also, unfortunately, never change. We were deceived (again) to turn Berlusconi in a statesman, offering a table of negotiations. Delude themselves (again) be able to resist the policy of "hands off" and fade away in the red regions, which are already pink and could eventually end up gray or black. Waiting for better times. There are better times for the opposition. Here and now must find the courage of strong proposals and alternatives to the dominant single thought, inventions capable of provoking debate and thus pierce the leaden hegemony "Bulgarian" governmental agenda. Should be coming any ideas, even many, one day, to awaken public opinion by democratic hypnotic stupor with which he follows in the steps ahead of Berlusconi. The same hypnotic stupor that captures the prey moves in front of the caiman. That in the end, attacks. 
is a bit 'naive or very, surprised that Berlusconi has returned to Cayman. If there is a person true to herself, beyond any human temptation to doubt or boredom, this is the Knight. It was so long before the descent into politics, with its subversive nature, authoritarian paternalism, love the short cut demagogic and mocking contempt for each counter-democratic, beginning with the judiciary and independent journalism, the intolerance for constitutional rules, the school learned of the P2. The problem has never been how much and how it can change Berlusconi, who never changes. Rather, what has changed and as Italy, which in the last fifteen years has changed a lot. Thanks in part to the enormous media power of the premier. Every time that Berlusconi has won Palazzo Chigi tried to force the constitutional order and the first thing he violently attacked the judiciary. He did it in 1994 with the Biondi decree, the first act of government in 2001, when the emergency decrees of justice were introduced even before receiving the trust and today. With an escalation of violence in tone and, even more, in contents of the measures. The package justice now is the most subversive and Cirami Schifani of the award, in turn, more subversive "clean slate" of '94. But the growing strength of the twist imposed by Berlusconi to democratic structures, public reaction has been accompanied by a weaker and weaker. In '94 the revolt against the "save-thieves" crippled by a government now intended to last a few months. In 2001, the "Girotondo" inaugurated a season of movement, with millions of people in the streets, which were translated from the first year in a series of heavy electoral defeats for center-right majority, also overwhelmingly in Parliament. The third time, this, in the presence of an even more dramatic attempt to blow up the pillars of the judiciary independent, the reaction is very weak. The opposition, set aside the illusion of dialogue, heralds a season of struggles, but not now, in autumn. The so-called civil society seems to have disappeared from the scene. The magistrates are the only ones to revolt vehemently, but they seem isolated, at least in the polls. Almost defend their corporation and the rights and freedoms of all, just as they designed the fathers of the Constitution. Here the matter is that what happened to Berlusconi (all), but what has happened to the country. We really have become a "a little country 'Bulgarian', as we missed the demiurge few days ago? The answer, unfortunately, is yes. In this quarter of a century has not changed Berlusconi, Italy has changed a lot and worse, the civil and social fabric is fraying, and common sense was modeled on the authoritarian instincts. Many feel that talk in offices, in bars, on the beaches today, with everyone and everything, whether it's immigration or justice, civil rights such as religion, trade union or Europe, in Italy in the '94 would have been unimaginable. The Berlusconi has gone from the belly of a country where democracy has never been carried through, for a thousand reasons (reasons of right and left), but now has spread to all parts of the country and came to the brain. The genetic mutation of the Italian society is obvious to anyone who looks from outside. Even in the superficial aspects of the skin: a people we had never been "obnoxious", as it is today. More seriously, the return of Berlusconi to power and its first and devastating releases have evoked ghosts of the worst on the international scene. It is, however, to see if the "Italian case" is that even for the Italians. If public opinion still exist that have prevented these reagents Democrats in '94 and in 2001 the drift, more or less soft, to a regime. The signals are contradictory, the game is still on. Certainly, in recent decades the impact force of Berlusconi's populism has been growing, as well as taking on increasingly large parts of society. It is not just power of television or publishing, but a genuine cultural hegemony. And surprisingly, the opposition, former students of Gramsci, still, after so long, do not include the mechanisms and scope of the strategy in place. Other than the "long wave" of craxiana memory. They also, unfortunately, never change. We were deceived (again) to turn Berlusconi in a statesman, offering a table of negotiations. Delude themselves (again) be able to resist the policy of "hands off" and fade away in the red regions, which are already pink and could eventually end up gray or black. Waiting for better times. There are better times for the opposition. Here and now must find the courage of strong proposals and alternatives to the dominant single thought, inventions capable of provoking debate and thus pierce the leaden hegemony "Bulgarian" governmental agenda. Should be coming any ideas, even many, one day, to awaken public opinion by democratic hypnotic stupor with which he follows in the steps ahead of Berlusconi. The same hypnotic stupor that captures the prey moves in front of the caiman. That in the end, attacks.
Monday, June 16, 2008
Read Penthouse Forum Online Free
Emergency Alert - Furio Colombo
Voices rise of extreme alarm in the country where a new government had pretended, at first, to be normal, any right-wing government in Europe. Suddenly announces in a row - and is preparing to impose by decree and with the automatic approval of the majority - A series of laws with which he invents a climate of tension and fear. He responds to that climate with invented liberticidal laws, unconstitutional and against the right to know. The free and informed public opinion is proclaimed the enemy to kill. It reveals the face of the new government. As was said by Antonio Di Pietro, is a face that evokes high-risk countries like Colombia. Here are some entries that describe our country today. Stefano Rodota
: "We are facing a phenomenon that Italy has experienced in other decades: the special laws. Giovanni Sartori, "The Charter of the First Republic has not been abolished because there is no need to redo it. It can be empty inside. Just paralyze the judiciary. At the end of the political power of controlling himself. "
Marco Travaglio: "Personally announcement now that I will continue to inform readers not concealing anything of what I know. I will continue to publish the acts of investigation and wiretaps that I can get hold of, as I consider right and proper to serve the public. I will do so under Article. And Article 21 of the Constitution. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. "
Eugenio Scalfari: "Beware of the awakening. It can be hard. It may be the awakening of a country without democracy. "
Here's what happened: the militarization of the territory "for strategic reasons' use of soldiers to patrol urban areas almost absolute prohibition of wiretapping in the investigation period, with no outrageous and laughable (stop after three months, do not use them if it finds a new offense!) for a few possible interception; impunity (still do not know for what ) to the Prime Minister assured the return of the shameful "Schifani award." Go back to the past and worse. We'll just go.
* * * One day in 2002, the direction of second year of the revived and revised unit (no more party, no longer bound to any orthodoxy, inspired by the battles "liberal" of the Anglo-Saxon press, pragmatic and uncompromising ) director and co-director of this new course (Ie Padellaro Antonio and I) were presented at a meeting of Senate Democrats to explain why in describing the business of the Berlusconi government at the time, based on a series of "shameful laws," and "ad personam" laws "and drainage projects or cancellation of the second part of the Constitution (to strike, sterilization, the founding democratic principles of the first part of the Constitution, from which our freedom) because the unit he used repeatedly and with full conviction the word 'regime'. The accusation was
extremism. But a strange extremism. We were not guilty of ideological tensions and imbalances. Our unique and poorly tolerated extremism is not measured on the cause workers' allegations but the prime minister. Said that he enjoyed the special power of immense wealth and used freely, unpunished, the benefits of a massive conflict of interests that allowed him to govern with the public and private sectors and block information, was showing signs of increasingly clear any overflow embankment, push the edge, and bend the rules and laws, even in Europe, to his private interests. Even then, the political act of Berlusconi was like a cluster bomb. Each new blow dealt to the Italian codes brought immediate consequences for the legislator-private beneficiary, a series of distortions and anomalies in Europe outside the legal system and a chain of consequences that subjects outsiders, such as the inability to block dozens of other processes or the cancellation of the fact of other prosecutions.
But the accusation has been, as if it were a private and personal obsession. The typical sentence was, say 'regime' is nonsense.
A government can be more or less good, but our democracy is intact. "
was not intact. And it took a referendum to remove the serious injuries caused to the constitution. A blatantly undemocratic electoral law is still in force, and remained intact all the shame and ad personam laws that have made ridiculous or ugly the Italian image in the democratic world at the time of the first Berlusconi
* * * And here we are deadly to the new test which is now subject to Italian democracy. In the name of a dialogue - should now be evident and it is certainly clear to the millions of citizens who voted for Democratic Party - will be impossible, the opposition continues to speak with the tone polite and respectful of normal democratic life. Those tones, as the civilized intentions they express, are a credit to their users. Or rather, did honor to those who wanted to insist on believing in the normality, perhaps based on the always expected but rare miracle of faith that moves montagne.Ma nothing is normal in the Italian situation in which we live. All
energy, technical skill and political force that would In a world gripped by a serious crisis, to protect citizens from serious damage, we co-operate and collaborate with the world, are diverted to some obsessions relating solely to personal or political interests of some people in a crime against the country Italy. , pushed into dead-end streets, held tightly in the grip of a senseless fear. The militarization of the territory is used to cover the failure to solve the problem of waste in an easy and immediate that he had been heralded in the election campaign. Berlusconi, unable to understand and resolve the issue, he resorts to military occupation. The deployment of armed military troops in the streets of major cities enhances the fear, invent an emergency, Italy is unique in Europe (and certainly not the rifles of soldiers trained in public order is not an invitation to tourism), and - if there were any problems, fortunately there are not - they increase the risks of accidents. However, the criminals will disappear temporarily, knowing how to reorganize, and let the immigrants isolated and afraid to act as bait for military patrols. We must also arrest someone. As for the wiretapping prohibited, they are already reaping the clear opposition of freedom throughout Europe, journalists, lawyers, civil rights groups. It is good to announce in time, even in Italy, the civil disobedience to avoid being complicit in a project foreign law, the Constitution, the European and Italian codes, and common sense. Why is it unthinkable that a government should do its battle to create a safe-shield criminals. But if this is the purpose, shall have all the opposition it deserves. We hope that the Democratic Party realizes that this is his battle, on pain of falling in a vacuum without a history. 
Voices rise of extreme alarm in the country where a new government had pretended, at first, to be normal, any right-wing government in Europe. Suddenly announces in a row - and is preparing to impose by decree and with the automatic approval of the majority - A series of laws with which he invents a climate of tension and fear. He responds to that climate with invented liberticidal laws, unconstitutional and against the right to know. The free and informed public opinion is proclaimed the enemy to kill. It reveals the face of the new government. As was said by Antonio Di Pietro, is a face that evokes high-risk countries like Colombia. Here are some entries that describe our country today. Stefano Rodota
: "We are facing a phenomenon that Italy has experienced in other decades: the special laws. Giovanni Sartori, "The Charter of the First Republic has not been abolished because there is no need to redo it. It can be empty inside. Just paralyze the judiciary. At the end of the political power of controlling himself. "
Marco Travaglio: "Personally announcement now that I will continue to inform readers not concealing anything of what I know. I will continue to publish the acts of investigation and wiretaps that I can get hold of, as I consider right and proper to serve the public. I will do so under Article. And Article 21 of the Constitution. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. "
Eugenio Scalfari: "Beware of the awakening. It can be hard. It may be the awakening of a country without democracy. "
Here's what happened: the militarization of the territory "for strategic reasons' use of soldiers to patrol urban areas almost absolute prohibition of wiretapping in the investigation period, with no outrageous and laughable (stop after three months, do not use them if it finds a new offense!) for a few possible interception; impunity (still do not know for what ) to the Prime Minister assured the return of the shameful "Schifani award." Go back to the past and worse. We'll just go.
* * * One day in 2002, the direction of second year of the revived and revised unit (no more party, no longer bound to any orthodoxy, inspired by the battles "liberal" of the Anglo-Saxon press, pragmatic and uncompromising ) director and co-director of this new course (Ie Padellaro Antonio and I) were presented at a meeting of Senate Democrats to explain why in describing the business of the Berlusconi government at the time, based on a series of "shameful laws," and "ad personam" laws "and drainage projects or cancellation of the second part of the Constitution (to strike, sterilization, the founding democratic principles of the first part of the Constitution, from which our freedom) because the unit he used repeatedly and with full conviction the word 'regime'. The accusation was
extremism. But a strange extremism. We were not guilty of ideological tensions and imbalances. Our unique and poorly tolerated extremism is not measured on the cause workers' allegations but the prime minister. Said that he enjoyed the special power of immense wealth and used freely, unpunished, the benefits of a massive conflict of interests that allowed him to govern with the public and private sectors and block information, was showing signs of increasingly clear any overflow embankment, push the edge, and bend the rules and laws, even in Europe, to his private interests. Even then, the political act of Berlusconi was like a cluster bomb. Each new blow dealt to the Italian codes brought immediate consequences for the legislator-private beneficiary, a series of distortions and anomalies in Europe outside the legal system and a chain of consequences that subjects outsiders, such as the inability to block dozens of other processes or the cancellation of the fact of other prosecutions.
But the accusation has been, as if it were a private and personal obsession. The typical sentence was, say 'regime' is nonsense.
A government can be more or less good, but our democracy is intact. "
was not intact. And it took a referendum to remove the serious injuries caused to the constitution. A blatantly undemocratic electoral law is still in force, and remained intact all the shame and ad personam laws that have made ridiculous or ugly the Italian image in the democratic world at the time of the first Berlusconi
* * * And here we are deadly to the new test which is now subject to Italian democracy. In the name of a dialogue - should now be evident and it is certainly clear to the millions of citizens who voted for Democratic Party - will be impossible, the opposition continues to speak with the tone polite and respectful of normal democratic life. Those tones, as the civilized intentions they express, are a credit to their users. Or rather, did honor to those who wanted to insist on believing in the normality, perhaps based on the always expected but rare miracle of faith that moves montagne.Ma nothing is normal in the Italian situation in which we live. All
energy, technical skill and political force that would In a world gripped by a serious crisis, to protect citizens from serious damage, we co-operate and collaborate with the world, are diverted to some obsessions relating solely to personal or political interests of some people in a crime against the country Italy. , pushed into dead-end streets, held tightly in the grip of a senseless fear. The militarization of the territory is used to cover the failure to solve the problem of waste in an easy and immediate that he had been heralded in the election campaign. Berlusconi, unable to understand and resolve the issue, he resorts to military occupation. The deployment of armed military troops in the streets of major cities enhances the fear, invent an emergency, Italy is unique in Europe (and certainly not the rifles of soldiers trained in public order is not an invitation to tourism), and - if there were any problems, fortunately there are not - they increase the risks of accidents. However, the criminals will disappear temporarily, knowing how to reorganize, and let the immigrants isolated and afraid to act as bait for military patrols. We must also arrest someone. As for the wiretapping prohibited, they are already reaping the clear opposition of freedom throughout Europe, journalists, lawyers, civil rights groups. It is good to announce in time, even in Italy, the civil disobedience to avoid being complicit in a project foreign law, the Constitution, the European and Italian codes, and common sense. Why is it unthinkable that a government should do its battle to create a safe-shield criminals. But if this is the purpose, shall have all the opposition it deserves. We hope that the Democratic Party realizes that this is his battle, on pain of falling in a vacuum without a history.
Sunday, June 15, 2008
Kates Playground, Red Heels
The wig of the Sun King who governs the Bel Paese - E. SCALFARO
"show that Berlusconi wants to rule the Italian crisis has forced the need for a separate state law. As if the country is going through a no man's land. The soldier as a policeman, as the court clerk, as the journalist laudator: are the three figures in a political scene that threatens to turn the meaning of our constitutional form. They are the ghosts of suspended time where the government has more power and fewer rights than citizens, less security, fewer guarantees. "So wrote yesterday in this newspaper Giuseppe D'Avanzo. Unfortunately, this photographer just his view of reality. It is not fascism but it is certainly an alarming "incipit" towards a dictatorship that makes its way into all sensitive areas of democratic life, the weakness of the counter-accomplices, the liability of public opinion and the sleepy fragility of the opposition. This comes increasingly clear democratic , which was profiled in the early days of the new legislature and is now fully deployed before our eyes, the only bank so far has found the head of state. Giorgio Napolitano is impersonating the most of its role as guardian of the Constitution. He did so with wisdom and firmness, giving her consent to the initiatives of the government when they have been dictated by real needs as the garbage crisis in Naples, but has denied in cases where emergencies were bogus and could undermine the fairness of constitutional mechanisms. It would be wrong, however, leaning against the President of the Republic the exclusive weight to stem the drift: to be reduced only if the dialectic relationship between the Quirinale Palazzo Chigi and the game would have more history and would be closed quickly. We must, therefore, that other forces and other powers to enter in the field. We must denounce and stop the militarization of Italian public life of which the most striking example occurred with the action taken by the Council of Ministers on Friday, security and interception, two artificially inflated emergency supposed to distract attention from the real emergencies that afflict a large part of Italian families. It 's the first time that the Army is involved with functions of public security. When Falcone was murdered and then a short time, Borsellino, military contingents were sent to Sicily to guard public buildings alleviating those tasks from the police and the police so they could devote themselves entirely to the fight against mafia unleashed. But now the role that you want to give the armed forces is completely different with the task of patrolling the city public security, and then with the powers of repression, arrest, focus contrasts with the crime. What sense is a measure of this kind? What benefit it may give rise to actions against the mob? The Police has well over one hundred thousand effective, as many more counts the Carabinieri and the Guardia di Finanza many more. Alongside these forces imposing a quota of 2,500 soldiers is devoid of any utility. If the government has led to a sensational move as useless as this was just for the hype that would have raised. So serious is the uncertainty of our cities to also require the involvement of the Army: This is the message launched by the government. And with it without the exceptional rule is adopted by an ordinary law a measure that would require the declaration of a kind of martial law, of national peril. A similar measure was taken by the Badoglio government in the three days of July 25 of '43 and again in '47 after the attack on Togliatti. Since then, it was no longer done anything like this: Public safety on the streets, the Armed Forces barracks, this is the normal democratic intent is to change with much more extensive and unnecessary for a simple support to public safety. * * * The draft law on wiretapping by the reasonable part of plans to protect more effectively the privacy of individuals without decreasing the investigative capacity of the prosecution. Similar intentions were inspired by the Minister of Justice Flick and after him the Minister Clemente Mastella, but without those measures failed to become laws for the early termination of the respective legislatures. Now presumably you succeed, but even in this case, as for security, is another political sense than the "reasonable plan" we mentioned before. The political sense, here is another militarization, prosecutors and journalists. The prosecution. First a list of offenses punishable with interceptions. Only those and not others. E 'has been written that the scandal of Calciopoli would never come to light without interception. Likewise, the bank takeover of the "crafty." But many others. To close the worst of all: Santa Rita Clinic in Milan, rightly dubbed the clinic of horrors. The intercepts and can not last more than three months. It does not say if renewable and therefore we can deduce that they will not be renewable. Cosa Nostra, to cite one example, has been tapped for years and perhaps still is. Three months pass by in a fiat, we all know. Journalists and newspapers. There is absolute prohibition on the publication of news from beginning of the hearing. The filing of documents at the Court does not diminish the ban. Why? If the parties or some of them want to publicize the documents in their possession are prevented. Why? Not invoke the presumption of innocence as if it were the reasons for the ban should wait until the final ruling of the Supreme Court. So why is another of the secret, but which one? In fact, the prohibition is not only against newspapers and journalists, but against the formation of public opinion, which is against a basic element of democracy. The case of the Santa Rita has sparked a debate on the organization of health, the role of clinics compared to the NHS. Very important debate that may take place only at the beginning of the hearing and that the trial of the accused. Any storage investigation would remain unknown, and so would lack all scrutiny review on the ground storage and a possible critique of it. Likewise, about possible differences of opinion between prosecutors and the Office of the Chief Prosecutor, call back on the Attorney General on changes in substitutes assigns IP. On all these basic steps the public opinion could not say anything because it would be kept in the dark. You will remember that the maxi-trial "Cosa Nostra" was confirmed to the Supreme Court because it was changed the assignment policy processes initiated by the Minister of Justice at the time, Claudio Martelli, alerted by the pressure of the newspapers in alarm for the repeated pronouncements of the then President of the Chamber, Carnival. All these events took place under the constant control of the press and the public alerted investigators from the stage. Falcone and Borsellino were not judges but judges prosecutors. I wonder if they could operate with the efficiency with which they operated without the support of a fully informed public opinion. The severe penalty under this Act against publishers constitute a burden for which you should carefully evaluate the effects on press freedom. In fact, it the publisher gives enormous power over the director of the newspaper: in view of severe penalties will ask the publisher's right to be informed in advance of decisions that the Director will order the processes. In fact it is an actual confiscation of the powers of the Director the responsibility for moving ahead to the owner of the newspaper. So the court is becoming militarized, the journalist and also public opinion. * * * You are right Mr D'Avanzo in saying that these measures distort the Constitution. In fact identify the State with the Government and the Government with the "premier". If we add to them the infamous Schifani award, namely the freezing of all processes against the high offices of state, the identification becomes total. Here our discussion comes at a particularly delicate issue and that is the subject of the parliamentary opposition. I speak of all political opposition. But I speak particularly of the Democratic Party. In recent days the Democratic Party and Veltroni as the leader of that party have taken up some issues about attitudes of vigorous criticism of the government. The honeymoon for Mr Berlusconi is still in full swing with the public and with most of the newspapers but it's already gone largely with the Democratic Party. Unless a fundamental point, repeatedly stressed by Veltroni: it should continue the dialogue on institutional and constitutional reforms. It 'obvious that this "reservation dialogue" inevitably affects the overall tone of the opposition. The institutional and constitutional reforms are of such importance to be processed into minimalia "contrasts on individual measures of merit. Especially since Tremonti asks the opposition to proceed "arm" with regard to the economic strategy, then here is another "subject to dialogue." It would seem, this, new to the benefit of the opposition but it is not. The Italian economic policy must take place in the coming years under the watchful eye of the European Authorities. Like it or not, we are in fact commissions from Brussels. Tremonti will have to take responsibility for unpopular. Necessary but unpopular with the opposition and wants to share quell'impopolarità. Meanwhile, the substance of the reforms, Berlusconi will proceed as has been said and seen, the militarization of the system. "L'Etat c'est moi" said the Sun King and his successors continued to say until the outbreak of the revolution dell'Ottantanove. I want to mention here that one way, indeed the most relevant, with which the identification of the state with the person of the King was accomplished was the enslavement of parliament to the will of the Crown. The decrees of the King to enter into force needed the registration of the Parliaments and especially that of Paris. This was then the only separation of powers conceived and conceivable. But the king had an instrument at its disposal: the parliaments could order the registration of the edict. In the face of the written order of the Sovereign Parliament recorded the "conditional" and the edict came into operation. Usually, this order was given, but rarely with Sun King and his successors became routine. Rebelled when Parliaments determined not to obey the King dissolved them. The body of the King prevailed on the Grand Century tenuous democracy. The Sun King But here there is no sun. There is mud, greed, recklessness, moral cowardice. Courtship of the opposition. Mounting fears and instincts. Picconato newspaper of the Constitution. What dialogue can be done when the country is militarized in the most sensitive democracy? The Democratic Party has only one tool to prevent this drift: to decide that there is no possibility of dialogue on reforms to the absence of the object. If the state is dismantled each day and identified the body of the King, to talk about what the Democratic Party? And 'here and now that the dialogue should be done, militarization is locked. Urgencies and emergencies should be transferred on the problems of society and economy. "In this new climate is good and can do very very well," declaims the Confindustria Emma Marcegaglia. What is the good climate, nice Emma? That of the Grenadier patrols that stop the thieves and can fire at the gypsy on duty? That promoted to publisher responsible? What the judge actually isolated from all social and private "free trial"? That of individual employment contracts? And 'this good weather? I remember when they were published on-line lists of taxpayers grew a uproar. The Director of Revenue, the author of many misdeeds, was indicted and resigned. But now the Minister Brunetta public contracts for all public managers and the salaries of all the consultants and is strongly applauded and encouraged. I also applaud and encourage you as I applauded and then Visco Romano. But instead of two because of weights and measures? The answer is simple: for the civil servants can be. And 'this good weather? Conscious awakening can be very hard. It may be the awakening of a country without democracy. Dominated dall'antipolitica. By anti-Europe. Anarchy and dictatorship of the indifferent sharpers. I find it a very bad climate. 
"show that Berlusconi wants to rule the Italian crisis has forced the need for a separate state law. As if the country is going through a no man's land. The soldier as a policeman, as the court clerk, as the journalist laudator: are the three figures in a political scene that threatens to turn the meaning of our constitutional form. They are the ghosts of suspended time where the government has more power and fewer rights than citizens, less security, fewer guarantees. "So wrote yesterday in this newspaper Giuseppe D'Avanzo. Unfortunately, this photographer just his view of reality. It is not fascism but it is certainly an alarming "incipit" towards a dictatorship that makes its way into all sensitive areas of democratic life, the weakness of the counter-accomplices, the liability of public opinion and the sleepy fragility of the opposition. This comes increasingly clear democratic , which was profiled in the early days of the new legislature and is now fully deployed before our eyes, the only bank so far has found the head of state. Giorgio Napolitano is impersonating the most of its role as guardian of the Constitution. He did so with wisdom and firmness, giving her consent to the initiatives of the government when they have been dictated by real needs as the garbage crisis in Naples, but has denied in cases where emergencies were bogus and could undermine the fairness of constitutional mechanisms. It would be wrong, however, leaning against the President of the Republic the exclusive weight to stem the drift: to be reduced only if the dialectic relationship between the Quirinale Palazzo Chigi and the game would have more history and would be closed quickly. We must, therefore, that other forces and other powers to enter in the field. We must denounce and stop the militarization of Italian public life of which the most striking example occurred with the action taken by the Council of Ministers on Friday, security and interception, two artificially inflated emergency supposed to distract attention from the real emergencies that afflict a large part of Italian families. It 's the first time that the Army is involved with functions of public security. When Falcone was murdered and then a short time, Borsellino, military contingents were sent to Sicily to guard public buildings alleviating those tasks from the police and the police so they could devote themselves entirely to the fight against mafia unleashed. But now the role that you want to give the armed forces is completely different with the task of patrolling the city public security, and then with the powers of repression, arrest, focus contrasts with the crime. What sense is a measure of this kind? What benefit it may give rise to actions against the mob? The Police has well over one hundred thousand effective, as many more counts the Carabinieri and the Guardia di Finanza many more. Alongside these forces imposing a quota of 2,500 soldiers is devoid of any utility. If the government has led to a sensational move as useless as this was just for the hype that would have raised. So serious is the uncertainty of our cities to also require the involvement of the Army: This is the message launched by the government. And with it without the exceptional rule is adopted by an ordinary law a measure that would require the declaration of a kind of martial law, of national peril. A similar measure was taken by the Badoglio government in the three days of July 25 of '43 and again in '47 after the attack on Togliatti. Since then, it was no longer done anything like this: Public safety on the streets, the Armed Forces barracks, this is the normal democratic intent is to change with much more extensive and unnecessary for a simple support to public safety. * * * The draft law on wiretapping by the reasonable part of plans to protect more effectively the privacy of individuals without decreasing the investigative capacity of the prosecution. Similar intentions were inspired by the Minister of Justice Flick and after him the Minister Clemente Mastella, but without those measures failed to become laws for the early termination of the respective legislatures. Now presumably you succeed, but even in this case, as for security, is another political sense than the "reasonable plan" we mentioned before. The political sense, here is another militarization, prosecutors and journalists. The prosecution. First a list of offenses punishable with interceptions. Only those and not others. E 'has been written that the scandal of Calciopoli would never come to light without interception. Likewise, the bank takeover of the "crafty." But many others. To close the worst of all: Santa Rita Clinic in Milan, rightly dubbed the clinic of horrors. The intercepts and can not last more than three months. It does not say if renewable and therefore we can deduce that they will not be renewable. Cosa Nostra, to cite one example, has been tapped for years and perhaps still is. Three months pass by in a fiat, we all know. Journalists and newspapers. There is absolute prohibition on the publication of news from beginning of the hearing. The filing of documents at the Court does not diminish the ban. Why? If the parties or some of them want to publicize the documents in their possession are prevented. Why? Not invoke the presumption of innocence as if it were the reasons for the ban should wait until the final ruling of the Supreme Court. So why is another of the secret, but which one? In fact, the prohibition is not only against newspapers and journalists, but against the formation of public opinion, which is against a basic element of democracy. The case of the Santa Rita has sparked a debate on the organization of health, the role of clinics compared to the NHS. Very important debate that may take place only at the beginning of the hearing and that the trial of the accused. Any storage investigation would remain unknown, and so would lack all scrutiny review on the ground storage and a possible critique of it. Likewise, about possible differences of opinion between prosecutors and the Office of the Chief Prosecutor, call back on the Attorney General on changes in substitutes assigns IP. On all these basic steps the public opinion could not say anything because it would be kept in the dark. You will remember that the maxi-trial "Cosa Nostra" was confirmed to the Supreme Court because it was changed the assignment policy processes initiated by the Minister of Justice at the time, Claudio Martelli, alerted by the pressure of the newspapers in alarm for the repeated pronouncements of the then President of the Chamber, Carnival. All these events took place under the constant control of the press and the public alerted investigators from the stage. Falcone and Borsellino were not judges but judges prosecutors. I wonder if they could operate with the efficiency with which they operated without the support of a fully informed public opinion. The severe penalty under this Act against publishers constitute a burden for which you should carefully evaluate the effects on press freedom. In fact, it the publisher gives enormous power over the director of the newspaper: in view of severe penalties will ask the publisher's right to be informed in advance of decisions that the Director will order the processes. In fact it is an actual confiscation of the powers of the Director the responsibility for moving ahead to the owner of the newspaper. So the court is becoming militarized, the journalist and also public opinion. * * * You are right Mr D'Avanzo in saying that these measures distort the Constitution. In fact identify the State with the Government and the Government with the "premier". If we add to them the infamous Schifani award, namely the freezing of all processes against the high offices of state, the identification becomes total. Here our discussion comes at a particularly delicate issue and that is the subject of the parliamentary opposition. I speak of all political opposition. But I speak particularly of the Democratic Party. In recent days the Democratic Party and Veltroni as the leader of that party have taken up some issues about attitudes of vigorous criticism of the government. The honeymoon for Mr Berlusconi is still in full swing with the public and with most of the newspapers but it's already gone largely with the Democratic Party. Unless a fundamental point, repeatedly stressed by Veltroni: it should continue the dialogue on institutional and constitutional reforms. It 'obvious that this "reservation dialogue" inevitably affects the overall tone of the opposition. The institutional and constitutional reforms are of such importance to be processed into minimalia "contrasts on individual measures of merit. Especially since Tremonti asks the opposition to proceed "arm" with regard to the economic strategy, then here is another "subject to dialogue." It would seem, this, new to the benefit of the opposition but it is not. The Italian economic policy must take place in the coming years under the watchful eye of the European Authorities. Like it or not, we are in fact commissions from Brussels. Tremonti will have to take responsibility for unpopular. Necessary but unpopular with the opposition and wants to share quell'impopolarità. Meanwhile, the substance of the reforms, Berlusconi will proceed as has been said and seen, the militarization of the system. "L'Etat c'est moi" said the Sun King and his successors continued to say until the outbreak of the revolution dell'Ottantanove. I want to mention here that one way, indeed the most relevant, with which the identification of the state with the person of the King was accomplished was the enslavement of parliament to the will of the Crown. The decrees of the King to enter into force needed the registration of the Parliaments and especially that of Paris. This was then the only separation of powers conceived and conceivable. But the king had an instrument at its disposal: the parliaments could order the registration of the edict. In the face of the written order of the Sovereign Parliament recorded the "conditional" and the edict came into operation. Usually, this order was given, but rarely with Sun King and his successors became routine. Rebelled when Parliaments determined not to obey the King dissolved them. The body of the King prevailed on the Grand Century tenuous democracy. The Sun King But here there is no sun. There is mud, greed, recklessness, moral cowardice. Courtship of the opposition. Mounting fears and instincts. Picconato newspaper of the Constitution. What dialogue can be done when the country is militarized in the most sensitive democracy? The Democratic Party has only one tool to prevent this drift: to decide that there is no possibility of dialogue on reforms to the absence of the object. If the state is dismantled each day and identified the body of the King, to talk about what the Democratic Party? And 'here and now that the dialogue should be done, militarization is locked. Urgencies and emergencies should be transferred on the problems of society and economy. "In this new climate is good and can do very very well," declaims the Confindustria Emma Marcegaglia. What is the good climate, nice Emma? That of the Grenadier patrols that stop the thieves and can fire at the gypsy on duty? That promoted to publisher responsible? What the judge actually isolated from all social and private "free trial"? That of individual employment contracts? And 'this good weather? I remember when they were published on-line lists of taxpayers grew a uproar. The Director of Revenue, the author of many misdeeds, was indicted and resigned. But now the Minister Brunetta public contracts for all public managers and the salaries of all the consultants and is strongly applauded and encouraged. I also applaud and encourage you as I applauded and then Visco Romano. But instead of two because of weights and measures? The answer is simple: for the civil servants can be. And 'this good weather? Conscious awakening can be very hard. It may be the awakening of a country without democracy. Dominated dall'antipolitica. By anti-Europe. Anarchy and dictatorship of the indifferent sharpers. I find it a very bad climate.
Saturday, June 14, 2008
Noiceless Mixer Grinder
The exception is the rule - by G. SURPLUS D'
Berlusconi is determined to prove that - to steer the Italian crisis, how he wants us to imagine - is forced by necessity to separate the state law, the decision by law, the legal order of life. As if the country is going through a no man's land. So critical, dark and left to make urgent and no alternative regulatory powers to amend and repeal such extensive decrees with the law. With the "security decree" (at voice immigrants) and the "Decree Naples, it became clear that Berlusconi intends to move in a" state of exception ". Decided to exercise its power according to a technique that requires them to create - intentionally and falsely - a necessity after another, day after day, whatever the priorities of the country's most authentic and painful. Despite what you may think, in fact, the necessity is not an objective situation involves only a personal opinion or evaluation. At the bottom, are urgent and exceptional circumstances only defined as such: that, as such, defines the Cavalier. The fifth Council of Ministers of the Berlusconi IV said a pressing need to resize the action of judges to limit the freedom of the press, the reasons of decline of the state with the performance, strength, weapons of the Army. It 'so far, the most emblematic case and explicit about what we have termed the "militarization of politics." It's never happened in Italy that the soldiers were called to deal with public order or control of the city. Even in the terrible months that followed the death of Falcone and Borsellino, the open challenge against the state by the Cosa Nostra of Toto Riina. On that occasion, the Army was limited to protect, with "job", public buildings and places "sensitive" is not released from the investigative police. The government's decision to "equalize" 2,500 troops "agents of public security" by "patrolling and reconnaissance" of the city opened a new, unprecedented season. Evoking reasons (need) to "public order" and "security" approaches, overlapping the right to violence. Assigned to the Army, alters its sign the administrative function of the police, called to the enforceability of the law. That function and presence becomes intimidating. Not only for those who transgress, but for all those who believe not "democratic" that the government support its decisions with violence. Slip in the lawful exercise of power to an arbitrary law of force, as not to feel the risk that anyone who dissents is considered a "criminal" because opponents of an "order absolute" that alone can ensure the "governance" and exit from the crisis? This is not the political idea, the paradigm of government, even the bottom sublogico which advises Berlusconi to intervene even against the judiciary by limiting the use of wiretapping or against the information, promising to jail those who publish the text or summary of "listening"? Judiciary and information, the two orders, in a balanced architecture of checks and balances, are the institutions of control and powers, they become dangerous in this context, the active agents of decline and degenerate to deal with. "Enemies", preventing the sovereign government, they monitor its decisions and that vigilance is an obstacle that creates a status necessitatis, the urgency of a law that Berlusconi wanted with immediate force of law. E 'was forced to back down from a head of state and, by the League, to a rebate which authorizes wiretapping for crimes against public administration. But the bill, if not corrected in Parliament, disseminates the investigative process and its effectiveness in the way, hitches, ties, exclusions, gaps, odd requirements (if the suspect is a bishop must inform the Vatican Secretary of State , that is the minister of another country). Are barriers that protect the most unscrupulous practices white-collar, weakening the security of the weakest, not really protect any privacy. The spread of the sovereign coryphaei phony numbers on the past, never explain why they close the gaps in the network of telephone operators who have come to light with the Telecom business. He reveals how and whether the public will never know the use of "preventive wiretapping" that today, outside of the criminal trial and any type of judicial review may be conducted by the police and, since 2005, including services secrets as delegated by the President of the Council with the consent of the prosecutor at the Court of Appeals. It is not the privacy of the citizen who cares Berlusconi. He is interested only his privacy and his image, the cancellation of a couple of conversations with Agostino Sacca, the neglect of others in which he speaks of. Will create a sort of "positive law of the crisis" that requires the court to deal with in accordance to what features of the political decision, presented as a necessary and unique. He wants journalists silent, intimidated by the threat of jail. He wants publishers frightened by possible severe economic penance. The soldier as a policeman, the judge as a cleric, journalist laudator as are the three figures in a political scene that threatens to radically transform the structure and meaning of our constitutional form. They are the ghosts of the past where the government has suspended more citizen power and fewer rights, less security, fewer guarantees. 
Berlusconi is determined to prove that - to steer the Italian crisis, how he wants us to imagine - is forced by necessity to separate the state law, the decision by law, the legal order of life. As if the country is going through a no man's land. So critical, dark and left to make urgent and no alternative regulatory powers to amend and repeal such extensive decrees with the law. With the "security decree" (at voice immigrants) and the "Decree Naples, it became clear that Berlusconi intends to move in a" state of exception ". Decided to exercise its power according to a technique that requires them to create - intentionally and falsely - a necessity after another, day after day, whatever the priorities of the country's most authentic and painful. Despite what you may think, in fact, the necessity is not an objective situation involves only a personal opinion or evaluation. At the bottom, are urgent and exceptional circumstances only defined as such: that, as such, defines the Cavalier. The fifth Council of Ministers of the Berlusconi IV said a pressing need to resize the action of judges to limit the freedom of the press, the reasons of decline of the state with the performance, strength, weapons of the Army. It 'so far, the most emblematic case and explicit about what we have termed the "militarization of politics." It's never happened in Italy that the soldiers were called to deal with public order or control of the city. Even in the terrible months that followed the death of Falcone and Borsellino, the open challenge against the state by the Cosa Nostra of Toto Riina. On that occasion, the Army was limited to protect, with "job", public buildings and places "sensitive" is not released from the investigative police. The government's decision to "equalize" 2,500 troops "agents of public security" by "patrolling and reconnaissance" of the city opened a new, unprecedented season. Evoking reasons (need) to "public order" and "security" approaches, overlapping the right to violence. Assigned to the Army, alters its sign the administrative function of the police, called to the enforceability of the law. That function and presence becomes intimidating. Not only for those who transgress, but for all those who believe not "democratic" that the government support its decisions with violence. Slip in the lawful exercise of power to an arbitrary law of force, as not to feel the risk that anyone who dissents is considered a "criminal" because opponents of an "order absolute" that alone can ensure the "governance" and exit from the crisis? This is not the political idea, the paradigm of government, even the bottom sublogico which advises Berlusconi to intervene even against the judiciary by limiting the use of wiretapping or against the information, promising to jail those who publish the text or summary of "listening"? Judiciary and information, the two orders, in a balanced architecture of checks and balances, are the institutions of control and powers, they become dangerous in this context, the active agents of decline and degenerate to deal with. "Enemies", preventing the sovereign government, they monitor its decisions and that vigilance is an obstacle that creates a status necessitatis, the urgency of a law that Berlusconi wanted with immediate force of law. E 'was forced to back down from a head of state and, by the League, to a rebate which authorizes wiretapping for crimes against public administration. But the bill, if not corrected in Parliament, disseminates the investigative process and its effectiveness in the way, hitches, ties, exclusions, gaps, odd requirements (if the suspect is a bishop must inform the Vatican Secretary of State , that is the minister of another country). Are barriers that protect the most unscrupulous practices white-collar, weakening the security of the weakest, not really protect any privacy. The spread of the sovereign coryphaei phony numbers on the past, never explain why they close the gaps in the network of telephone operators who have come to light with the Telecom business. He reveals how and whether the public will never know the use of "preventive wiretapping" that today, outside of the criminal trial and any type of judicial review may be conducted by the police and, since 2005, including services secrets as delegated by the President of the Council with the consent of the prosecutor at the Court of Appeals. It is not the privacy of the citizen who cares Berlusconi. He is interested only his privacy and his image, the cancellation of a couple of conversations with Agostino Sacca, the neglect of others in which he speaks of. Will create a sort of "positive law of the crisis" that requires the court to deal with in accordance to what features of the political decision, presented as a necessary and unique. He wants journalists silent, intimidated by the threat of jail. He wants publishers frightened by possible severe economic penance. The soldier as a policeman, the judge as a cleric, journalist laudator as are the three figures in a political scene that threatens to radically transform the structure and meaning of our constitutional form. They are the ghosts of the past where the government has suspended more citizen power and fewer rights, less security, fewer guarantees.
Thursday, June 12, 2008
How To Cook Boston Butts On Big Green Egg
The Economist: Veltroni is too good
lash the British weekly The leader of the Democratic Party: Opposition phantom
Veltroni's idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a shadow government to fight blow by blow action of the executive Berlusconi, does not convince the Economist. Other than shadow government, the British weekly lash: in Italy the center is turning into "ghost opposition." Veltroni, bewitched by the temptation of 'appeasament "is" too nice (too nice) but the thing with Berlusconi, rather than make contributions to improve the political climate, is likely to go all to the detriment of the center. Despite the initiative of the shadow government, says the Economist, "the idea of \u200b\u200bVeltroni's opposition is not in line with British tradition. On several occasions Veltroni has waived the opportunity to embarrass the government, with the only result to help strengthen Berlusconi's popularity. "In these times missing the Economist gives a few examples - the case Travaglio, the Alitalia affair - and then switch to heavy conclusions. The strategy dell'appeseasament, presses the paper, does not seem very good and already several times, "has had disastrous consequences." "Obvious is the advantage for Berlusconi less clear benefits for the left." Harsh the end of the piece: "The risk is that the more you have a shadow government Italy finds itself faced with an opposition ghost." 
lash the British weekly The leader of the Democratic Party: Opposition phantom
Veltroni's idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a shadow government to fight blow by blow action of the executive Berlusconi, does not convince the Economist. Other than shadow government, the British weekly lash: in Italy the center is turning into "ghost opposition." Veltroni, bewitched by the temptation of 'appeasament "is" too nice (too nice) but the thing with Berlusconi, rather than make contributions to improve the political climate, is likely to go all to the detriment of the center. Despite the initiative of the shadow government, says the Economist, "the idea of \u200b\u200bVeltroni's opposition is not in line with British tradition. On several occasions Veltroni has waived the opportunity to embarrass the government, with the only result to help strengthen Berlusconi's popularity. "In these times missing the Economist gives a few examples - the case Travaglio, the Alitalia affair - and then switch to heavy conclusions. The strategy dell'appeseasament, presses the paper, does not seem very good and already several times, "has had disastrous consequences." "Obvious is the advantage for Berlusconi less clear benefits for the left." Harsh the end of the piece: "The risk is that the more you have a shadow government Italy finds itself faced with an opposition ghost."
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